Dial D for Distraction: The Making and Breaking of Cell Phone
Policies in the College Classroom
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Get Help Now!Michael J. Berry
University of Colorado
Aubrey Westfall
Virginia Wesleyan College
Cell phones are nearly ubiquitous in the college classroom. This study asks two primary
questions regarding the making and breaking of in-class cell phone policies. In what manner
are students using their phones and how can faculty members minimize the potential for
phone-related distractions? To answer these questions we analyze original survey data from
nearly 400 college students across multiple public and private universities to better
understand the students’ impulse to use their phones during class. Results from the survey
demonstrate that more than 80% of students use their phone at least once per class and that
students generally believe this to be an acceptable practice. These student data are
supplemented with survey data from close to 100 college faculty to evaluate a range of
policy options for dealing with this issue. From this analysis, it is clear that the policies most
frequently implemented by instructors are typically perceived by students as the least
effective.
Keywords: cell phones, classroom distractions, mobile technology
INTRODUCTION
Cell phones have become a ubiquitous feature in American
society. A 2014 survey by a communication industry orga-
nization estimated that the United States, with a population
of approximately 317 million, had nearly 336 million wire-
less subscriptions, meaning that wireless connection pene-
tration stood at an astonishing 104.3% (CITA 2014). This
number continues to climb. Studies from a broad array of
disciplines have examined the myriad ways that cell phones
have transformed society, business, communication, health,
and numerous other facets of daily life, including education
(Campbell 2006; Gilroy 2004; Jenaro et al. 2007; Katz
2005; Wei and Leung 1999).
As educators well know, cell phones have become per-
vasive in the classroom. While many scholars offer sug-
gestions about how to make cell phones a useful
pedagogical tool (Katz 2003; Kinsella 2009; Lindquist
et al. 2007; Prensky 2005; Schell, Lukoff and Mazur
2013; Scornavacca et al. 2009; Valk et al. 2010), others
bemoan the distracting nature of cell phones in the class-
room. One scholar has gone as far as likening cell phone
interruptions during class to a form of “technological
terror,” citing the multitude of ways that a single cell
phone can disrupt an entire class (Gilroy 2004, 56). While
this term is admittedly hyperbolic, nearly every educator
has had to deal with problems related to student cell phone
use and interruptions during class. The actual distractions
caused by cell phones can vary widely across campuses
and classrooms. This study contributes to a small but
growing literature on cell phone use in the classroom
(Baker et al. 2012; Campbell 2006; Campbell and Russo
2003; End et al. 2010; Gilroy 2004; Katz 2005; Tindell
and Bohlander 2012; Wei et al. 2012) by approaching the
topic from two perspectives: those of the student and the
instructor. We utilize original survey data to assess student
attitudes toward in-class cell phone use as well as instruc-
tor policies on how to best address this persistent issue.
Correspondence should be sent to Michael J. Berry, Department of
Political Science, University of Colorado, Denver, P.O. Box 173364, CB-
190, Denver, CO 80217, USA. E-mail: Michael.Berry@ucdenver.edu
COLLEGE TEACHING, 63: 62–71, 2015
Copyright� Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 8756-7555 print / 1930-8299 online
DOI: 10.1080/87567555.2015.1005040
To foreshadow some of our findings, most students believe
that it is acceptable to use cell phones during class, and
the policies most often used by instructors are perceived
by students to be largely ineffective.
WHY TRY TO CONTROL CELL PHONES IN THE CLASSROOM?
As cell phone ownership and functioning capacity have
increased, the debate over the social norms associated with
cell phone use has shifted (Wei and Leung 1999). Even five
years ago, the biggest complaint about cell phone use in
public space related to the phones as a verbal communica-
tion device—having private conversations in public space,
or interrupting a conversation to receive a call. In recent
years, the functionality of cell phones has progressed from
verbal communication toward a communication device and
personal computer combination, commonly called a smart-
phone. As the technology has evolved, concerns over social
norms have likewise changed.
Along with more general social norms, the debate over
the effect of cell phones in classrooms has been altered
with the introduction of smartphones. In the past, tradi-
tional, lower-tech phones commonly brought to class raised
concerns over distractions associated with ringing or vibrat-
ing phones, but a student was unlikely to answer his or her
phone and carry on an extended conversation while seated
in class (though this has certainly happened). With the
advent of smartphones, it is not at all unusual for a student
to carry on a nonverbal conversation with a correspondent
while in class via text messaging or e-mail.1 Perhaps even
more tempting is a campus wireless Internet connection,
which places an entire virtual world at the fingertips of a
disengaged student.
Of course, the potential consequences of cell phones in
the classroom are not all negative. As students incorporate
the technology into their normal routine, they easily adapt
them to their individual uses in the classroom. Students will
often use their phones to look up supplementary informa-
tion or fact-check, and it has become increasingly common
for students to use their cell phones to take pictures of the
classroom boards or materials. Cell phones also provide
ready access to a voice or video recorder, which make them
a valuable tool for students with disabilities. There are
many efforts to formally harness the learning potential of
cell phones and to use them as a tool for learning within the
classroom (Katz 2003; Kinsella 2009; Lindquist et al.
2007; Prensky 2005; Scornavacca et al. 2009; Valk et al.
2010). Nyiri terms such efforts to utilize student mobile
phones in the classroom as “m-learning” activities (2002,
121). Many college instructors have adopted the use of
“clickers” to similarly facilitate a more interactive learning
experience, allowing instructors or students to collect data
from multiple locations, and to perform immediate analysis.
Research has shown strong evidence of their effectiveness
and ability to engender greater student participation (Evans
2012; Ulbig and Notman 2012). For the instructor, the abil-
ity to receive immediate feedback is crucial for identifying
student misunderstanding and improving learning (Schell,
Lukoff, and Mazur 2013). Cell phones present enhanced
opportunities for feedback when compared to clickers,
which are typically restricted to a single digital platform
using close-ended questions. Because cell phones are com-
plex instruments intended for a variety of uses, several
response systems (ex. Learning Catalytics, Poll Every-
where, Soap Box, Socrative) may be downloaded or used
on a single device, providing much greater flexibility.2
Of course, there are numerous obstacles to using cell
phones in lieu of clickers, which are specifically designed
for active in-class participation. First, not every student
may have a phone, and students that do have different
phone models and service providers. With this lack of stan-
dardization, the actual implementation of an “m-learning”
activity orchestrated through cell phones could be challeng-
ing. Second, and perhaps most importantly, research has
found substantial use of cell phones and the Internet during
class time to be a detriment to students’ learning and aca-
demic performance (Kraushaar and Novak 2010; Morahan-
Martin and Shumacher 2000; Scherer 1997). Most research
on mobile Web devices in the classroom focuses on student
laptops. Kraushaar and Novak found that 42% of the time
computers were used for non-class related activities (2010).
Another study estimated that millennial students spent
more time on social networking sites than they did working
on homework or completing class assignments (Hanson
et al. 2010). This may be emblematic of an increasingly
psychological desire to be linked in. In a study of under-
graduates at a northeastern U.S. university, for example,
Morahan-Martin and Shumacher found that nearly one in
10 students exhibited characteristics associated with
“pathological Internet usage,” while nearly 75% of students
were identified as having at least one symptom of Internet
usage addiction, which was correlated with a number of
problems both in and out of the classroom (2000, 13).
Results from these studies suggest that instructor efforts to
implement “m-learning” activities that would utilize stu-
dent cell phones for pedagogical purposes would most
likely result in a large subset of students surfing the Internet
1Our survey did not ask students about the specific type or capabilities
of their individual phones. For expositional purposes, we refer to phones of
all types simply as “cell phones.”
2One type of classroom response system is Learning Catalytics, which
allows students to provide feedback on any web-enabled device, using a
variety of tools. A pilot study demonstrates the effectiveness of Learning
Catalytics in soliciting meaningful feedback, engaging students, and orga-
nizing and implementing effective peer instruction (Schell, Lukoff, and
Mazur 2013).
DIAL D FOR DISTRACTION 63
or otherwise utilizing their phones for things unrelated to
the lesson. In short, despite the obvious potential for
enhanced student engagement using cell phone technology,
the consequences associated with the vast majority of stu-
dents entering class carrying a cell phone are often
negative.
While much of the aforementioned research on student
multitasking has focused on the use of laptops during class,
the number of students bringing a phone into class likely
exceeds those bringing a laptop. For this reason, our study
seeks to highlight student perceptions and attitudes toward
cell phones in the classroom as well as the policies set by
instructors. With this approach, we seek to build upon exist-
ing survey research of students (Braguglia 2008; Tindell
and Bohlander 2012) by also soliciting information from
faculty. Further, we identify factors contributing to the like-
lihood that students will use their phone during class time.
From the instructor’s perspective, we provide an assess-
ment of faculty policies and approaches to dealing with this
common issue. The following sections discuss the results
from two separate surveys as they relate to a number of dif-
ferent aspects of cell phone use in the classroom. These sec-
tions also discuss the real and perceived consequences of
phone-related distractions and opportunities as reported by
our survey respondents.
DATA AND METHODOLOGY
This study analyzes original survey data from students from
one private institution of higher education, Virginia Wes-
leyan College in Norfolk, Virginia, and one public univer-
sity, the University of Colorado, Denver (UCD). We
recruited student subjects by soliciting participation during
visits to a variety of upper- and lower-division undergradu-
ate courses. These courses ranged from small seminars to
larger lecture-style courses with enrollments approaching
100 students. In addition, approximately 85 students were
recruited from other institutions by email and asked to com-
plete an online survey. Our complete student sample is
comprised of individuals from six institutions, including
two private liberal arts institutions, three public universities
and one community college. The students in the sample
represent 20 disciplinary majors.
The 26-question survey asked students about their own
cell phone use, their perceptions of cell phone use among
their peers, as well as attitudes toward cell phone use and
policies in the classroom. Our total number of student
respondents is 384. Sixty-two percent of respondents are
female, and 38% are male. The vast majority of student
respondents (77.1%) fall between the ages of 18 and 23.
Seventeen percent of the students identified themselves as
freshmen, 19% as sophomores, 28% as juniors, 31% as
seniors, and 2% possess an alternative class status (e.g.
graduate student or continuing education program).
Although the sample is skewed in terms of gender (female
students compose about 55% of the student body on both
campuses), there is good diversity concerning class and
major status.
Original survey data were also collected from nearly 100
teaching faculty at 11 private and public institutions of
higher education. Of those who reported an institutional
affiliation, 58% teach at a private institution, while the
remaining respondents teach at a public university. The fac-
ulty members in our sample represent 19 academic disci-
plines. Instructors were recruited by email, and requested to
anonymously complete an online survey. The 18-question
survey asked faculty about their perceptions of cell phone
use in the classroom, the policies they use to control cell
phones, perceptions about policy effectiveness, and also
asked questions about personal cell phone use. Our total
number of faculty respondents is 96. Fifty-eight percent are
female and 42% male. The sample is relatively young; 9%
of respondents are in their twenties, 37% are in their thirties,
20% are in their forties, 22% are in their fifties, and 12%
are sixty or older. While most respondents are either raked
as assistant (31%) or associate (21%) professors, the sample
also includes full professors (19%), adjunct faculty (17%),
graduate instructors (10%), and administrators (3%).
RESULTS
One of the oldest concerns with cell phone use in public
relates to the noises they make (e.g. ringing, beeping, play-
ing music or audible vibrating). Noise pollution accounts
for some of the earliest efforts to control cell phones in pub-
lic places like theaters, for example. Interestingly, faculty
subjects did not report noticing frequent audible disruptions
in their classes. Over 80% of faculty members suggest
noises from cell phones do not cause any disruptions in a
typical class period. This result is somewhat surprising con-
sidering that less than 8% of students reported that they
always power off their phones while class is in session. For
the many disruptions possible with so many phones present
in any given class, this finding does demonstrate that the
vast majority of students are both courteous and conscien-
tious when it comes to turning down the volume on their
phones. However, when compared to faculty, students
report that they notice more frequent interruptions; 38% of
students estimate that an average class session has zero cell
phone interruptions, 50% report that interruptions occur
one or two times in a typical class, 12% notice interruptions
three or four times, and only 1% suggest cell phones inter-
rupt class more than five times. This discrepancy in percep-
tion may be attributable to greater student sensitivity to
more localized disruptions such as a vibrating phone, which
may go unnoticed by the instructor.
The relatively low frequency of audible interruptions,
however, does not correspond with the actual frequency of
64 BERRY ANDWESTFALL
cell phone use in the classroom. Our survey evidence con-
firms the notion that in-class student use of phones centers
on their nonverbal capacities. When faculty members were
asked to speculate about what students are doing with their
cell phones in the classroom, the vast majority suspect stu-
dents use their phones primarily as communication devices.
In the free-form option to this question on the survey, fac-
ulty noted that the most frequent activity is texting or
emailing. Unsurprisingly, among students that claimed to
have been admonished for cell phone use during class 76%
stated that they had been texting, emailing, or engaging in
some other nonverbal communication activity on their
phone.
When faculty members were asked to identify the
consequences of verbal or nonverbal student cell phone
use in the classroom, a majority of professors agree that
distractions are among the most pressing issues, fol-
lowed by disrespect. Questions on the student survey
inquired about the frequency that students are using or
checking their phone during class as one way to esti-
mate the potential for phone-related distractions. As
illustrated in figure 1, an overwhelming majority of stu-
dents are using their cell phone in some capacity at least
once during class.
Less than 20% of students self-reported that they do not
typically check their phone while class is in session. Most
commonly, students report checking their cell phones one
or two times during an average class session (37.6%). An
additional 23.8% check their phone between three and four
times, and more than 20% of students check their cell
phones more than five times. We would expect most
instructors to be surprised that the proportion of students
reporting that they check their phone more than five times
per class is greater than those that report never checking
their phone. Studies in health and psychology examining
determinants of a variety of compulsive behaviors, such
as incessantly checking one’s phone, often use the same
theories and methodologies used to study addiction
(Jenaro et al., 2007; Morahan-Martin and Shumacher,
2000).
While many students may not consider checking their
phone multiple times during one class session as an addic-
tion, multitasking of this type has been demonstrated to
affect learning and information retention (Ellis et al. 2010;
Fried 2008; Fox et al. 2009; Hembrooke and Gay 2003;
Kraushaar and Novak 2010). Most studies examining the
effect of in-class technology on learning have focused on
laptop computers. Using computer monitoring software in
an undergraduate lecture course, Kraushaar and Novak
(2010) measured both “productive” and “disruptive” multi-
tasking and found an inverse relationship between the
amount of disruptive multitasking and several measures of
course performance (241). Similarly, a classroom experi-
ment designed by Hembrooke and Gay (2003) found that
students with access to a laptop performed significantly
worse on a post-lecture quiz testing for information recall
and recognition. Fried (2008) further corroborates these
findings by concluding “that the negative influence of in-
class laptop use is two-pronged; laptop use is negatively
associated with student learning and it poses a distraction to
fellow students” (912). Few studies have assessed whether
cell phone disruptions produce similar deleterious effects
(although see End et al. 2010).
Beyond the negative self-imposed effects that a
student’s phone use can potentially have on learning
and academic performance, there are also negative
externalities that can arise from a single student fre-
quently utilizing their phone during class. More than
90% of students claim to notice when other students
check their phones. Because this pulls attention away
from course material, it should negatively affect student
learning. Using an experimental design, End and col-
leagues (2010) demonstrate that students performed
worse on a test over an in-class video when a ringing
cell phone interrupted the video. Students in the control
group without this disruption scored significantly higher.
Despite findings such as this, only 33% of students in
our sample disparage cell phone use in the classroom
because it distracts the user, 40% because it distracts
nearby students, and 41% because it distracts the
professor.
When asked whether their personal academic perfor-
mance has suffered due to cell phone use in class, only
8% of students suggest their personal phone use has had
a negative effect, while 11% suggest cell phone use by
other students negatively affects their own academic
performance. At the same time, 31% of students report
missing important information in class because they
were checking their cell phones or texting. To further
assess the effect of cell phone use on academic FIGURE 1. Number of times students report checking their phone during
an average class.
DIAL D FOR DISTRACTION 65
performance, Table 1 reports estimates from two ordi-
nary least squares regression models. The first model
uses students’ self-reported actual GPA as the dependent
variable, while the second uses self-reported GPA within
designated ranges.3 Students’ gender and age are added
as control variables. The two primary factors of interest
in each model are the number of hours students use
their phone per day and the number of times students
check their phone during class. Both ordinal variables
have six categories. The hours of phone use variable
ranges from less than one hour to more than nine hours,
while the phone use in class variable ranges from zero
times to more than nine times. In the first model, both
variables have a negative relationship with student
GPAs. Neither coefficient estimate on the gender and
age variables is significant. Substantively the model
results indicate that students who check their phones
between seven and eight times per class have a GPA of
about a quarter of a point lower than those who report
never checking their phone during class. In the second
model, which has a larger sample size, daily phone use
does not emerge as a significant predictor of GPA.
However, the coefficient on the in-class phone use vari-
able remains negative and significant. Thus, while less
than 10% of students claimed that their phone use had
negatively affected their academic performance, our
analysis indicates that students that use their phones
more frequently during class often have lower GPAs
than their peers. Though we would not go as far to
claim that this is a causal relationship, the results do
identify a significant relationship between these factors.4
Beyond disruptions and distractions that can adversely
affect a classroom’s learning environment, perhaps the
most serious consequence of phones in the classroom sur-
round the opportunities modern phone capabilities provide
for academic dishonesty. In our sample, only 6.5% of stu-
dent respondents admitted to using cell phones to cheat on
a quiz or exam.5 Admitted tactics include using the Internet
to find answers, preloading information into a phone, using
the phone as an illicit tool (e.g. calculator or translator),
and emailing or texting answers. The most popular techni-
ques used by students are preloading information on a
phone or checking the Internet for answers—about one-
third of the students who admit to cheating have used these
techniques. Most of those who cheated admit they were
worried about their grades. Interestingly, however, 75% of
students who admit to cheating had a self-reported GPA
above 3.0. Ease of access to information (cited by 60% of
cheating students) combined with poor surveillance by the
professor (cited by 52% of cheating students) were the
most common conditions that resulted in cheating. Many
students who cheated justified their actions by assuming
that other students do the same thing. As one student noted
on the survey, “everyone in the class was doing it (or that’s
what it seemed like).”
While there are few noticeable patterns distinguishing
those who report cheating with cell phones from those who
do not, about three-quarters of those who admit cheating
are between 18–21 years of age, a breakdown which corre-
sponds with our sample distribution. The distribution of
cheaters by gender also reflects the broader sample, with
women comprising 62% of the admitted cheaters. Further,
there was no statistically significant difference between the
average cheating rates when comparing small liberal arts
colleges to large research universities.
Because cell phones in the classroom can distract stu-
dents or be used to cheat, the potential clearly exists for
phones to have a negative effect on student learning. How-
ever, one of the main consequences of cell phone use cited
by faculty has little to do with learning, and more to do
with social etiquette. A large majority of faculty respond-
ents believe that students using cell phones in class are
behaving disrespectfully. Interestingly, many students seem
to have the same qualms as faculty. Figure 2 illustrates stu-
dent positions on whether it is acceptable for students to
check their phones, text, or access the Internet on their
TABLE 1
OLS model estimates of student grade point average.
Model 1 Model 2
Actual GPA GPA Range
Hours on Phone per Day ¡0.08*** 0.02 (0.03) (0.07)
Times Student Checks Phone ¡0.06*** ¡0.06* during Class (0.02) (0.04)
Gender ¡0.04 ¡0.12 (0 DMale, 1 D Female) (0.06) (0.12) Age ¡0.00 0.11***
(0.02) (0.04)
Constant 3.64*** 2.65***
(0.06) (0.44)
N 124 351
R-squared 0.1601 0.0463
Note: Standard errors reported in parentheses. *p < .10, **p < .05,
***p< .01
3Only the surveys administered at UCD asked for student’s specific
GPA. The remaining surveys asked students to identify their GPA within
the following ranges: below 2.0, 2.1–2.5, 2.6–3.0, 3.1–3.5, 3.6–4.0, and 4.1
or above.
4Further, the low R-squared values in each model suggest that phone
use does not provide substantial explanatory power regarding student
GPAs. 5Although students were informed both verbally and in writing that all
survey responses would be strictly anonymous, the 6% of students admit-
ting to cheating with their phone almost certainly underestimates the pro-
portion of students that have cheated in this fashion. For comparison, a
2009 study by Common Sense Media reported that 35% of teenagers sur-
veyed claimed to have cheated with their cell phone at least once.
66 BERRY ANDWESTFALL
phones while in class. In every category, a majority of stu-
dents believe that in-class cell phone use is only sometimes
or rarely acceptable. Students are most likely to disparage
texting in class, and most likely to allow using phones to
access information on the Internet. The most frequently
cited reason for why students think checking cell phones or
texting in class is unacceptable is because it is rude.
In summary, our survey data document two real conse-
quences of phone use in the classroom. The most prevalent
of these is distraction. There was nearly unanimous consen-
sus among faculty that the main consequence of classroom
phone presence was the potential for student distractions.
This alone should be a concern to most instructors, since
such in-class distractions from class material have been
demonstrated to produce negative effects on learning and
information retention (Kraushaar and Novak 2010). Com-
pared to faculty, however, students appear less concerned
about the disruptive potential of phones in class. Though
80% of students reported noticing when others check their
phones during class, only 12% thought their own academic
performance had been adversely affected because of phone
use by other students. Further, nearly 75% of students
agreed that checking their phone during class sessions was
acceptable or sometimes acceptable.6
The other primary aspect of classroom cell phone use
concerns the use of phones to cheat. Surprisingly, most
faculty appear unconcerned with this aspect of phone use,
as about one instructor out of 20 suspects students are
behaving dishonestly with their phones in class. Perhaps
this perspective is appropriate given the small percentage
of students that reported using a phone to cheat. Despite
these faculty expectations, cell phones do provide students
with a stealth tool that can be potentially be used for cheat-
ing. Survey data from another study reported that about
one-third of student respondents reported having observed
another student texting during an exam (Tindell and Boh-
lander 2012). In addition to the consequences for student
learning and student ethics concerns, the survey data also
point to issues of student behavior and etiquette, where
both faculty and students perceive using cell phones in class
(apart from any potential academic effect) as rude and
disrespectful.
EFFORTS TO CONTROL CELL PHONES IN THE CLASSROOM
Professors use a variety of methods to address the real and
perceived consequences of cell phone use in the classroom.
The range of policies used by the faculty members surveyed
for this study is detailed in figure 3. The most common policy
imposed by faculty is the use of verbal warnings or admonish-
ments of students caught using phones in class. Less than
10% of faculty do not include a cell phone policy in their
course syllabi. This indicates that the vast majority of instruc-
tors do adopt some variety of in-class cell phone policy.
Beyond the more conventional policies listed in figure 3,
many professors list additional policies including preemp-
tive cell phone bans, restrictive bans only during exams,
FIGURE 2. Student perceptions on the acceptability of in-class cell phone use by category.
6In general, student responses to questions regarding distractions did not
highly correlate with class size. Students in classes with larger enrollments
were slightly less likely to report noticing others checking their phones or
texting during class (Pearson’s r ¡0.03) and slightly more likely to report that their academic performance has suffered due to others using phones
around them (Pearson’s r 0.13).
DIAL D FOR DISTRACTION 67
quizzes or direct emails to students after a cell phone dis-
ruption, and requiring students to dance, lecture or bring
snacks to a future class as a penalty for cell phone use.
Some professors also report efforts to make cell phones a
learning tool with games or activities. Though faculty
members report a wide range of policies, when students
report being reprimanded for cell phone use, the most fre-
quent reprimand is a verbal warning with no additional con-
sequences (reported by 76% of reprimanded students).
Faculty members were also asked to evaluate whether they
believed that their course phone policies reduced cell phone
use. In general, all policies were perceived as effective.
Although instructors generally believe that their phone poli-
cies are effective, student evaluation presents a different
picture.
Of the students who were previously reprimanded for
cell phone use in the classroom, only 40% reported that the
reprimand prevented them from using phones in the same
class, and a mere 11% said it would prevent them from
using their phones in other classes. Out of the full sample
of students, 61% report seeing others reprimanded would
prevent them from using cell phones in that class, and 40%
suggest it would prevent them from using cell phones in
other classes. These results reveal an unexpected result; stu-
dents who have been reprimanded for using cell phones in
class seem less likely to change their behavior than those
who are not reprimanded. Further, where reprimands do
change behavior, they do not have a very large effect in
contexts outside that particular classroom.
When students were asked to rank cell phone policy
effectiveness on a scale from 1 (least effective) to 5 (most
effective), they collectively report that only the more con-
frontational methods (e.g. grade reductions or removing
students from class) are most successful. The mean effec-
tiveness scores for each policy and their standard deviations
are illustrated in figure 4.
The only two policies with a mean effectiveness rating
greater than four are grade reductions and removing students
from class for cell phone disruptions. Each of these policies
has an average effectiveness rating of 4.2, though the grade
reduction policy has a slightly lower standard deviation.
Accordingly, students perceive grade reductions and removal
from class as the most effective policies to deal with cell
phone offenders, followed by instructor confiscation or inter-
ception of student phones. Among the least effective in deter-
ring classroom phone use are general university or class
policy statements often included in a course syllabus, which
are the policies most utilized by faculty. Interestingly, stu-
dents find little difference in the effectiveness of public or pri-
vate reprimands to individual students caught using their
phone in class. Students perceive each of these actions as gen-
erally more effective than simply directing eye contact or
glaring at a student using a phone. Responses from these sur-
vey items suggest that faculty should consider adopting more
assertive or punitive policies if they are serious about curtail-
ing phone use in their classes.
OTHER FACTORS INFLUENCING CELL PHONE USE
Of course, classroom policies are not the only determinant
of student cell phone use. Assuming the consequences of
classroom cell phone use are serious enough to warrant
action, what other factors might influence the rate of cell
phone use in the classroom, and can faculty strategically
FIGURE 3. Faculty cell phone policy frequency.
68 BERRY ANDWESTFALL
control these factors? In a battery of related questions, stu-
dents were asked to indicate what factors make them more
or less likely to use cell phones during class. Figure 5
presents the results from these questions.
As expected, students are more likely to use cell phones
in classes that meet for longer periods of time, with larger
enrollments, or as individual class sessions are reaching
their conclusion. Students are less likely to use their cell
phones in small classes and during classroom activities that
require their active participation, like group discussions or
activities.
The positive educational effects of small class sizes and
classroom activities and discussions have been well docu-
mented (Arias and Walker 2004; Biddle and Berliner 2002;
Finn et al. 2003; Pollock et al. 2011). Numerous studies
have shown that classes with less than 20 students are asso-
ciated with improved academic performance and the posi-
tive effect has been substantiated by several state-level
initiatives in public education (Finn et al. 2003). In their
review of research on the effects of small classrooms, Finn
and colleagues, discuss possible mechanisms of the rela-
tionship between class size and performance, and note that
FIGURE 5. Factors contributing to in-class cell phone use.
FIGURE 4. Student assessments of cell phone policy effectiveness
DIAL D FOR DISTRACTION 69
most studies do not find significant differences in teaching
between large and small classrooms, leading to the conclu-
sion that the primary difference between large and small
classrooms is found in student behavior. “Students become
more engaged academically and more engaged socially
when class sizes are reduced, and this increased engage-
ment in the classroom is a compelling explanation for
increased learning in all subject areas” (2003, 322). The
main mechanisms developed by sociologists and psycholo-
gists in regard to social dynamics within different sized
groups center on concepts of visibility and belonging,
where individuals in smaller groups are obliged to partici-
pate more than counterparts in larger groups.
If small class sizes lead students to become more
engaged by increasing student visibility and a sense of
belonging, students would naturally feel less tempted to use
cell phones in class. Because small classes increase student
visibility, students should be less likely to risk being caught
and reprimanded for cell phone use. Further, since smaller
classes are generally more likely to develop a community
of learning and belonging, students should be more engaged
in class projects and materials, and be less likely to be
pulled away from class content by cell phone distractions.
Unfortunately for faculty and students alike, there is little
either group can do to affect the enrollment of any given
class. With this in mind, there are some additional aspects
related to the format or structure of a course that faculty
should remain aware of.
Classroom discussion and activities are generally con-
sidered to be tools of an “active learning” approach to
instruction. While a more lecture-based format is unavoid-
able in some contexts, students reported that they were less
likely to check their phone during inclusive class discus-
sions or activities. Somewhat unexpectedly, students also
were less apt to check their phones when instructors show
videos or video clips. Thus, in addition to its many other
benefits, creating a classroom environment where students
are encouraged to be active participants should reduce the
likelihood that students will be causing distractions or tun-
ing out with the aid of their phone.
CONCLUSION
Student and faculty survey responses reveal several inter-
esting patterns about the present-day classroom landscape
where cell phones are seemingly omnipresent. First, faculty
are primarily concerned about distractions (both to them-
selves and students) caused by phones. Student responses
affirm faculty concerns, and suggest that phones do distract
students, although the students generally do not believe that
such distractions affect their academic performance.
Although only a small minority of students admits to using
cell phones to cheat, as phone technology and ease of use
improves, the temptation to use phones in this manner
should likewise increase.
To combat cell phone use in the classroom, faculty
members employ a wide variety of tactics and generally
believe that they are effective. However, students report
low levels of policy effectiveness, especially among those
students that experience reprimands. While no policies are
expected to be universally effective, according to the stu-
dents surveyed, the most confrontational policies are gener-
ally the most successful. However, the data suggest that
most faculty use less confrontational verbal reprimands
when trying to combat cell phone use, a strategy which is
not expected to be an effective deterrent over time or across
classes.
The rate of classroom cell phone use hinges on several
factors independent of official phone use policies. Students
reported that they were less likely to use their phone during
classes within their major that have smaller enrollments
and frequently involve group activities and discussions
involving active participation. For classrooms falling out-
side these parameters, the task of controlling cell phones is
an uphill battle with no apparent panacea. According to stu-
dents, classroom phone use policies that are most successful
require faculty to confront students in a potentially uncom-
fortable and unpopular manner. Each faculty member
should weigh the costs of policy enforcement against the
cost incurred by class disruption, cheating or the enforce-
ment of social norms, especially as enforcement of policy
could lead to greater distraction than the cell phone use in
the first place.
Because our results suggest that professors are fighting a
losing battle over controlling cell phones in the classroom,
our research highlights the need for an expanded conversa-
tion about how to usefully integrate cell phones into class-
room pedagogy. Innovations in classroom response systems
that use cell phones as a platform for increasing improving
feedback and peer instruction provide hopeful results sug-
gesting that proper incorporation of cell phones into class-
room pedagogy could enhance learning outcomes and
make classroom instruction appear more relevant to techno-
logically-dependent students.
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